When I make such things explicit, some people assume that this must mean that I am anti-theist and have nothing to do with religion or religious people. This is not true. Both the public work I do through this newsletter, my podcast, and my writing, as well as my day job (as I am not a full-time writer) brings me into constant contact with Christians and Christianity.

I struggle every single day with the fact that Christianity is a force for both oppression and liberation—that the same religion, ostensibly worshipping the same deity, is used as the means to justify drastically different ends. Through my work on Exvangelical, I see the harm that Christians cause women, queer people, people of color, and anyone who does not conform to the script that patriarchal Christianity gives them; through my other work, I see women, queer people, people of color and those who do not conform to patriarchy emboldened to create a more just and equitable world in the name of Christ. It is an utter mindf*#!.

The discordant strains of American Christianity clashed in spectacular fashion this week following the Right Reverend Mariann Edgar Budde’s sermon at the National Cathedral. The whole sermon can be found here, uploaded to YouTube with comments turned off, which is a commentary of its own:

Through her measured and thoughtful comments, the Bishop of the Episcopal Diocese of Washington drew attention to the state of affairs in America. Her comments were subtle where others might have been barbed, but they were still pointed remarks. After opening with a meditation on the idea of unity, Budde said this:

“Those of us gathered here in this Cathedral are not naive about the realities of politics. When power, wealth and competing interests are at stake; when views of what America should be are in conflict; when there are strong opinions across a spectrum of possibilities and starkly different understandings of what the right course of action is, there will be winners and losers when votes are cast or decisions made that set the course of public policy and the prioritization of resources. It goes without saying that in a democracy, not everyone’s particular hopes and dreams will be realized in a given legislative session or a presidential term or even a generation. Not everyone’s specific prayers – for those of us who are people of prayer – will be answered as we would like. But for some, the loss of their hopes and dreams will be far more than political defeat, but instead a loss of equality, dignity, and livelihood.

Given this, is true unity among us even possible? And why should we care about it?

Well, I hope that we care, because the culture of contempt that has become normalized in our country threatens to destroy us. We are all bombarded daily with messages from what sociologists now call “the outrage industrial complex”, some of it driven by external forces whose interests are furthered by a polarized America. Contempt fuels our political campaigns and social media, and many profit from it. But it’s a dangerous way to lead a country.”

There is boldness here, in speaking this sort of truth to the power that had sat in her pews. I do not know that I would have had such bravery.

But the bishop’s comments did not stop there. She concluded with a direct plea for mercy to the president.

These pleas were met with derision.

The sitting President of the United States said this:

“The so-called Bishop who spoke at the National Prayer Service on Tuesday morning was a Radical Left hard line Trump hater. She brought her church into the World of politics in a very ungracious way. She was nasty in tone, and not compelling or smart. She failed to mention the large number of illegal migrants that came into our Country and killed people. Many were deposited from jails and mental institutions. It is a giant crime wave that is taking place in the USA. Apart from her inappropriate statements, the service was a very boring and uninspiring one. She is not very good at her job! She and her church owe the public an apology!”

The President could not even deign to respect the bishop’s earned honorifics, let alone the content of her message, which again were framed as a plea not a challenge.

And of course, the chorus of Trump-faithful had to chime in. Noted plagiarist Mark Driscoll, whose Mars Hill Church imploded a decade ago in a series of credible allegations of spiritual abuse too long to list here (which did not stop him from relocating to Arizona and rebuilding) got in on things:

markdriscoll

A post shared by @markdriscoll

Meanwhile, over on X, Christians warned against ‘the sin of empathy,’ a point of contention for sites like Desiring God since 2019 (and a topic which Desiring God OP Joe Rigney is expanding upon for an entire book, building upon others by published by Allie Beth Stuckey).

All of these people are Christians. All of these people have different relations and access to power in today’s political climate.

And while I have largely been considering the words and deeds of all these people in strictly religious terms thus far, I see parallels in another arena: that of nationalism and fascism.

I am currently reading Jason Stanley’s book How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them, which I recommend. (It’s not an encouraging read, but it is an insightful one, written in accessible language.) In Chapter 6, “Victimhood,” Stanley highlights the way in which nationalism—not unlike religion—can have different motivations:

“In the face of discrimination, oppressed groups throughout history, have risen up in movements that proclaimed pride for their endangered identities. In Western Europe, the Jewish nationalism of the Zionist movement arose as a response to toxic anti-Semitism. In the United States, black nationalism arose as a response to toxic racism. In their origins, these nationalist movements were responses to oppression. Anti-colonialist struggles typically take place under the banner of nationalism; for example, Mahatma Gandhi employed Indian nationalism as a tool against British rule. This kind of nationalism, the nationalism that arises from oppression, is not fascist in origin. These forms of nationalism, in their original formations, are equality-driven nationalist movements….at the core of fascism is loyalty to tribe, ethnic identity, religion, tradition, or in a word, nation. But, in stark contrast to a version of nationalism with equality as its goal, fascist nationalism is a repudiation of the liberal democratic ideal; it is nationalism in the service of domination, with the goal of preserving, maintaining, or gaining a position at the top of a hierarchy of power and status.”

One form of Christianity—that which champions this administration—pursues dominance, while the other aligns with those who pursue equality. Qualifiers and equivocations and exceptions can be made for these binary claims, but the fascistic live and breathe in broad strokes while their opponents get bogged down in specificity (both sides obsessed in their own way with notions of purity).

I’ve grown tired of seeing oppressive Christianity ascendant. I am ready to make allegiance with those who wield the message of Jesus of Nazareth as a tool for liberation, with those Christians who do not require a reciprocal declaration of faith to expect equality in society, and who stand side by side with those the powerful threaten, regardless of whether they wield the power of the state.

If we are to be witnesses for anything, let us be witnesses of our shared humanity.

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If you want to read more of my ideas, and why I care so much and struggle so often with these issues, read my book Exvangelical & Beyond: How American Christianity Went Radical and the Movement That’s Fighting Back.

You can support my work with a paid subscription. I donate 25% of net proceeds.

This wasn’t the post I had planned to write this week. It’s a holiday week here in the US, and I had been planning to post something in the perennial genre of mental health and the dynamics of being a creator online today—specifically, about my own personal reticence to hit publish. 

Instead I’m writing about SCOTUS, which has been on a violent tear across legal and political norms of late: further criminalizing the unhoused, gutting the legal precedent us normies now know is called Chevron deference and undercutting regulatory oversight powers of the executive branch, and making specious distinctions between “gratuities” and “bribes” that all but guarantee government corruption and ensures monied interests supersede all others.

But yesterday’s decision throws everything into question and uncertainty.1 In its immunity ruling, the 6-3 majority extended legal immunity for the “official acts” of presidents (without defining what constitutes “official” and “unofficial,” an ambiguity that will no doubt favor both SCOTUS and POTUS). In her dissent, Justice Sotomayor wrote:

“The relationship between the President and the people he serves has shifted irrevocably. In every use of official power, the President is now a king above the law.”

Suddenly those frequent comparisons of Trump to King Cyrus that have been part of the evangelical/New Apostolic Reformation/alt-right infospheres over the last year become even more troubling.

The frustration and constant grief of seeing this play out because of the political choices of white evangelicals has its own dimensions that I may need to explore separately later on—but it is not lost on me that yesterday’s ruling would not have occurred without the long chain of events that lead to Trump’s election, the appointment of three judges, and the caustic consequences of so many of this court’s rulings. White evangelicals have their hands on that chain. Their leaders forged it, and their followers took it up.

The “Last Straw” Catalyst

I will leave the legal analysis to others more capable and qualified than I am. But I will posit this question: will this be the “last straw” that spurs changes in both our political leaders & their followers, or must we wait for something else?

In the pre-interview rundown for Exvangelical, I walk my prospective guests through the show’s typical three-act structure: where and how were you raised in the faith, what spurred you to leave that faith practice, and where are you now? The real action in the interview is in acts two & three—what’s past is prologue, and what I really want to know is what the catalyst for personal change was like. Was it death by a million cuts, or a single sudden epiphany or catastrophe, or somewhere in between?

There’s power and bravery and courage in these parts of the story, because it often involves intense vulnerability to ‘go against’ your community’s values in order to preserve your own (and, for the most vulnerable, your self).

Evangelical culture emphasizes “community” in so many ways. If you’re paying attention—and evangelicalism cultivates hypervigilance around one’s social standing, so there’s a good chance you are—you are constantly aware of what behaviors and beliefs are considered within “good standing” in the community, and those which will not be tolerated or accepted.

Exvangelicals as individuals are people who, at one point or another, ‘went against’ their community. Something or someone forced them to change. This isn’t always voluntary—sometimes there is a personal epiphany or a profound shift in belief, sometimes there is a horrifying instance of abuse. Regardless of circumstance, a rift has occurred in their stories. Things have changed. They dissented or were found disdainful, and it cost them their community.

There’s lots of metaphors for dissenting from the majority, but it’s telling how many are militaristic. For a person to dissent is to “break rank.” But for a person with power to claim yet more power it is to “cross the Rubicon,” to take an action in which there is no going back. Caesars cross Rubicons, not Christs.

The metaphor of the crossing of the Rubicon is used to valorize charismatic leaders. But that same event also symbolizes the fall of the Roman republic (limited though it was) and the beginning of the empire.

My question for those in political office now who have an opportunity to stand in opposition to these events is this: what legal Rubicons are left to cross? What other norms must be broken before you are woken from your trance? What will be the catalyst to make Democratic leaders realize they have bound themselves to norms out of allegiance to a higher ideal that is not reciprocated? What will cause you to break rank, to dissent, to act?

The POV of the last few paragraphs has veered back and forth between people with no power and people with tremendous power. I am a mere keyboard warrior; my word is my only weapon. But others have power. Leaders have power—political leaders in particular, in this case.

One of the drafts that’s sitting unpublished is all about never knowing what the “last straw” will be. I’ve been thinking about that a lot in light of the continuous sex abuse scandals that plague churches, about the SBC’s recent attempts to formalize their diminishment and subjugation of women in their ecclesial spaces, and so on. Despite a growing counterpublic of people speaking out about the harm they experienced in these communities, there are still millions of people who attend these churches, who have not yet reached their personal “last straw.”

I’m left to wonder what it will be for our elected leaders.

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Prior to October 25th, the date he was elected Speaker, Mike Johnson was a little-known representative of Louisiana. Since then, the spotlight on his background has intensified, and it is quite clear that he is a dedicated Christian nationalist formed by white evangelical belief and practice.

There have already been very good rundowns of Mike Johnson’s evangelical pedigree, and I will link to several below.1 However, there are two related points that I want to add to the conversation.

Christian nationalism can accrue power in any administration

First, I want to highlight that Mike Johnson came to power during a Democratic presidency, given that the House is currently controlled by the Republican party. This is obvious. But what somehow feels lost or forgotten is that, for literally as long as I can remember, the Republican party’s primary form of power has been leveraging the weak points of our tenuous system of checks and balances to their advantage.

From Newt Gingrich’s Republican Revolution forward, the GOP has largely been a party of opposition, even when they held power during the Bush and Trump administrations. The Religious Right has been a ready and willing ally in efforts to overturn elections, stack the judicial system, and deny women bodily autonomy, among other things, all while providing a Christian rationalization for it all.

The groups we now collectively call “Christian nationalist” are very effective at leveraging those weak points. They are well-funded and well-organized. Groups like the Council for National Policy, ALEC, Alliance Defending Freedom, United in Purpose, and many others, are able to work on long timetables in order to achieve their goals.

Now we see “one of their own” ascending to second in line to replace the President, because the only other viable candidates were a known white supremacist and a man who did nothing when he knew of abuse and did nothing to pass bills to boot.

And it is troubling that the GOP has no defense against the ascent of one particular type of Republican, as it reduces its appeal further and further.

On the use of “Christian nationalism”

I am largely glad that “Christian nationalism” has entered our political lexicon and that it has become shorthand for a particular Christian outlook and its impact on our politics. One thing that I remain reticent about, however, is how the term provides rhetorical distance for white evangelical institutions and practices.

“Christian nationalism” is an abstraction that would benefit from a metaphor. I propose “virus.”

Viruses spread. They are biological and technological. They are not strictly living, but they use living things.

A term like “Christian nationalism” is valuable in the abstract when someone is discussing its interdenominational and international qualities—such as how it can be present in Catholic, Protestant, and Orthodox communities, or how elite Christian nationalists in various countries network across borders to share strategies and align goals.

But when we talk about domestic politics in the United States, in this day and age we should be able to name the religious tradition that someone is a part of and not hedge our words.

If Christian nationalism is a virus, in America, white evangelicalism is its most common host.

We should be able to say so.

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News Rundowns & Commentary on Speaker Johnson

There have been many meaningful rundowns of Johnson’s evangelical pedigree. draws attention to the fact that he has praised David Barton, and called himself a “Bible-believing Christian” in an interview with Hannity—insider language that signals to other evangelicals just what type of Christian he is.

The rest of the post is here:

White Too Long by Robert P. Jones

White Christian Nationalism, Now with a Gavel in a Tailored Suit

Dear #WhiteTooLong Readers, Greetings from the DCA airport—I’m back on the road, heading to Tulsa. I’m thrilled that on 11/02 at 7:00 p.m. CT I’ll be in conversation with my good friend Rachel Laser, CEO of Americans United for Separation of Church and State…

Read more

2 years ago · 31 likes · 1 comment · Robert P. Jones

Other good takes can be found here from , , & :

Du Mez CONNECTIONS

The Christian Nationalist Ideas that Drive Mike Johnson

I’ve been trying to keep my head down lately, sending reporters to other scholars who can cover things and keeping my focus on the next book. (I owe my editor some chapters and they are not polishing themselves.) When Katelyn Follett reached out yesterday, though, I thought I’d make an exception. She offered a Q&A, which is easy enough. We did the same…

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2 years ago · 96 likes · 12 comments · Kristin Du Mez

Footnotes by Jemar Tisby

Congratulations, America. You Have a White Christian Nationalist for Speaker of the House

The time and research articles like this require are entirely supported by readers like you. Become a paid subscriber today, and you’ll be able to read these weekly Tisbits and comment on any articles. Both religious people and the religiously unaffiliated tend to see it as harmful if faith communities formally endorse political candidates and align themselves with a particular party…

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2 years ago · 48 likes · 10 comments · Jemar Tisby, PhD

Campaign Trails

Of Little Faith

Following the bizarre bloodletting in the Republican House caucus over the last few weeks, the relatively unknown Rep. Mike Johnson of Louisiana has been elevated to the powerful position of Speaker of the House. There are a lot of things we don’t know about the man who’s now second in line to the presidency — like…

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2 years ago · 90 likes · 1 comment · Kevin M. Kruse

Sarah Posner on Speaker Johnson, ADF, and Powers & Principalities

Sarah Posner’s coverage of the Religious Right is essential reading; in light of Speaker Johnson’s election, she highlighted her 2007 article about Alliance Defending Freedom where Johnson previously worked.

She also wrote an op-ed for MSNBC: Mike Johnson’s Christian nationalist track record isn’t a mystery — it’s a tragedy.

Finally, I spoke with Posner about her book Unholy: Why White Evangelicals Worship at the Altar of Donald Trump in my 2020 limited series podcast, Powers & Principalities:

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Season 1, published in the fall of 2020, was all about white evangelicalism and Christian nationalism.

Season 2 focuses on white evangelicalism & media. This is episode one.

Dating all the way back to at least the 19th century, the various groups we now refer to as White evangelicals have always been early adopters of new media formats. Whether it’s books, radio, tv, film, or any of their digital equivalents like podcasting, youtube, livestreaming, or influencer culture—evangelicals are always at the forefront of using new technology to spread their so-called old time religion. Ultimately, that perennial evangelical impulse is expressed as a desire to tell the Good News, the same good news that, etymologically speaking, is the origin of the term “evangelical” as ‘messenger’ or ‘one who announces’ - and that Good News is found in the Bible.

In order to share that news, it is necessary to share the Bible. And white evangelicals have built many institutions and businesses in order to do just that. The most recent and high-profile of these institutions is The Museum of the Bible in Washington, D.C. And that’s where this season begins.

My guests for this episode are Cavan Concannon and Jill Hicks-Keeton, authors of the new book Does Scripture Speak for Itself?: The Museum of the Bible and the Politics of Interpretation.

Their book takes a critical look at the Museum of the Bible, and the story it is hoping to tell about the Bible. As you’ll hear, it is a very particular perspective on the Bible, and it trying to legitimate that perspective on the national scale. By placing the Museum of the Bible in the long lineage of other evangelical institutions established with similar ends, Concannon and Hicks-Keeton provide a necessary critique of this most recent attempt to prioritize and prefer the evangelical perspective, to the detriment of all others who lay similar claim to Scriptures. I can’t wait for you to hear this conversation.

If you haven’t already, be sure to subscribe here to keep up to date with all my writing and podcasting.

I’ve got a few more updates below, so read on!

Support PEP and Powers & Principalities

Check out Season 1 of Powers & Principalities

If you haven’t already listened to season 1, head back in the feed to check out those interviews. That season features conversations with Diana Butler Bass, Katherine Stewart, Kristin Kobes Du Mez, Sam Perry & Andrew Whitehead, Julie Ingersoll, Sarah Posner, Robert Jones, Brad Onishi, Anthea Butler, Jack Jenkins, Jeff Sharlet, Reza Aslan, and Chrissy Stroop [links are to guests with active Substacks].

Each episode addresses Christian nationalism from a different lens.

Podcast Appearance: Chapel Probation

I was this week’s guest on R. Scott Okamoto’s excellent podcast, Chapel Probation! Go have a listen and follow Scott!

rsokamoto

A post shared by R Scott Okamoto (@rsokamoto)

Scott also has a Substack:

Introducing Substack Chat

Today Substack rolled out a new feature: subscriber chat. It’s now available for The Post-Evangelical Post.

This is a conversation space in the Substack app that I set up exclusively for my subscribers — kind of like a group chat or live hangout. I’ll post short prompts, thoughts, and updates that come my way, and you can jump into the discussion.

I’ve been doing link-blogging type posts here under the site section Marginalia, but now that Twitter has an uncertain future and Substack has built this function natively - I may move that over to this section.

To join our chat, you’ll need to download the Substack app (messages are sent via the app, not email). Turn on push notifications so you don’t miss a chance to join conversation as it happens.

How to get started

1. Download the app by clicking this link or the button below. Chat is only on iOS for now, but chat is coming to the Android app soon.

Get app

2. Open the app and tap the Chat icon. It looks like two bubbles in the bottom bar, and you’ll see a row for my chat inside.

3. That’s it! Jump into my thread to say hi, and if you have any issues, check out Substack’s FAQ.

Join chat

I’ve already started my first chat thread so come on over and say hello!

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Reza Aslan is author of several books, including God: A Human History, Zealot: The Life and Times of Jesus of Nazareth, and Beyond Fundamentalism. He is also Professor of Creative Writing at the University of California, Riverside and executive producer of Rough Draft with Reza Aslan and the CNN documentary series, Believer.

Stay tuned after the interview for more info on season 2 of Powers & Principalities.

Follow Reza on Twitter @rezaaslan and learn more about his work at rezaaslan.com.

Follow Blake on Twitter @brchastain and Instagram @brchastain_. 

Support Blake's work via a subscription to The Post-Evangelical Post newsletter - use this link to save 40% for 1 year thru 12/2! Other methods of support can be found at exvangelicalpodcast.com/support.

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Support the show with a subscription to The Post-Evangelical Post. Free and paid tiers are available. Other methods of support can be found here.

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Follow Blake @brchastain on Twitter & @brchastain_ on Instagram. Support the show via a subscription to The Post-Evangelical Post, or other methods found at exvangelicalpodcast.com/support.

This episode was produced by Jake Lewis. Thank you, Jake!

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Support Exvangelical and Powers & Principalities with a paid subscription to The Post-Evangelical Post on Substack - you can also subscribe for free! All content is free through the election.

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Bradley Onishi is associate professor of religion at Skidmore College. If you enjoy this show, please be sure to check out SWAJ by following the link above. Support them on Patreon and follow Brad on Twitter.

You can support this show by subscribing to The Post-Evangelical Post on Substack. Get 25% off with this link or subscribe to the free tier.

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If you'd like to support this show, please do so by telling people about it, leaving a rating or review on Apple Podcasts, and signing up for a paid subscription to my Substack newsletter, The Post-Evangelical Post, save 25% at postevangelicalpost.com/powers. Or sign up for free! 

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Unholy is an essential text for anyone who hopes to understand that evangelical support for Trump is not an aberration but rather a culmination of decades of work within conservative circles. 

Follow Sarah on Twitter @sarahposner.

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Support the show by signing up for a paid subscription to The Post-Evangelical Post. Save 25% using this link.

This episode was produced by Jake Lewis.

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Support the show by signing up for a paid subscription to The Post-Evangelical Post. Save 25% using this link.

This episode was produced by Jake Lewis.

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Sam Perry is on Twitter @socofthesacred; Andrew Whitehead is on Twitter @ndrewwhitehead.

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By tracking the development of "masculinity" through 20th & 21st century popular evangelical culture, Du Mez helps us understand our present moment better.

You can learn more about Kristin Kobes Du Mez's work on her website, and be sure to follow her on Twitter.

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This conversation just scratches the surface of what is covered in her book, and is more timely than ever. 

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